我们唯一恐惧的就是恐惧本身英文？The only thing we have to fear is fear itself. 唯一能够让我们恐惧的，就是恐惧本身。罗斯福演讲之时美国正值经济大萧条肆虐，全国上下笼罩在消极悲观的气氛中，罗斯福用一句史上著名的言论“我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身”鼓起了美国人向危机开战的信心。那么，我们唯一恐惧的就是恐惧本身英文？一起来了解一下吧。
The only thing we have to fear is fear itself.我们该恐惧的事情只有恐惧本身。
句子分析：本句主干是主系表结构，The only thing是句子主语，is 系动词做谓语，fear itself是表语。we have to fear是定语从句用来修饰限定The only thing，所以翻译时可以先翻译。
句中have to do sth.表示不得不做某事，后跟动词的原型形式。例如：
Aschildrendevelop,someofthemostimportantthingstheylearnhavetodowiththeirsenseofself 在成长过程中，孩子学到的一些最重要的东西与他们的自我意识有关。
扩展资料：
有关fear的词语搭配：
1、face your fear面对恐惧
2、hide your fear隐藏恐惧
3、live in fear生活在恐惧之中
4、overcome your fear克服恐惧
5、constant fear挥之不去的恐惧
6、irrational fear莫名的恐惧（或担心）
7、worst fear最大的担心
8、fear change害怕变化
9、fear of failure对失败的担心
10、fear of rejection害怕被拒绝
11、fear of the unknown对未知的担心
12、nothing to fear不必担心
13、fear the worst担心发生最坏的情况
1933年，美国历史上最严重的一次经济危机总统罗斯福却宣称：“我们唯一引以为恐惧的，只是恐惧本身。”
原话是这样的:The only thing we have to fear is fear itself
以此来激励人民
我们不得不害怕的事情是害怕本身，这种害怕是莫名其妙的，丧失理智的，毫无根据的恐惧，这种恐惧使所需要转换后退为前进的努力成为泡影。
kk说得好，词本无意，义由境生，自己体会吧。
The only thing we have to fear is fear itself. 唯一能够让我们恐惧的，就是恐惧本身。
罗斯福演讲之时美国正值经济大萧条肆虐，全国上下笼罩在消极悲观的气氛中，罗斯福用一句史上著名的言论“我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身”鼓起了美国人向危机开战的信心。
这是美国第三十二任总统富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福（1882-1945）首次履任总统时的就职演说。1933年初，经济大萧条风暴席卷美国，到处是失业、破产和暴跌，到处可见痛苦、恐惧和绝望。
罗斯福却表现出一种压倒一切的自信，他在宣誓就职时发表了这篇激情演说，告诉人们：我们唯一害怕的就是害怕本身。
扩展资料：
罗斯福就职演说的其他原长句为：So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself —nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance
译：首先，让我申明我坚定的信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的正是害怕本身——一种无以名状的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
我们唯一恐惧的就是恐惧本身
1933.3.4
富兰克林·罗斯福
(Franklin D. Roosevelt)
Mar. 4, 1933.
President Hoover Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiIment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the darkrealities of the moment.
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plagUe of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for Nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiIization. We may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
And finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of
others. The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue [4] around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth [5], from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay
any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty. This much we pledge and more.
To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7]. Divided there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics [8] south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off [9] the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
就职演讲
－－约翰·肯尼迪
今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。
以上就是我们唯一恐惧的就是恐惧本身英文的全部内容，unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance." 意思是“因此，首先，让我坚定地宣布我的信仰，我们唯一恐惧的只是恐惧本身——无名的、毫无道理的、无法正当化的恐惧，内容来源于互联网，信息真伪需自行辨别。如有侵权请联系删除。
